#2: Women and water collection

 

Figure 1

Source: No Water Africa Cartoons, Frank Odoi 

As stated in my last post, I want to challenge traditional stereotypes which include looking beyond views of Africa as a place of oppression for females. Yet, when I found out it is mostly the responsibility of women and girls to travel extreme distances to collect heavy water loads; I was pretty shocked. After weeks of researching the matter, I have recognised the importance to use a human ecology lens to highlight how physical ecosystems can significantly cause a domino effect upon the social systems of humans (Marten, 2001). So, for this blog post, I want to first contextualise water scarcity in Africa as a matter of concern for all of those at risk, especially females. Then, I hope to illuminate the role of women in water collection as it is intrinsically linked to patterns of water scarcity.
 
Many states in Africa fall into categories of water stress and scarcity as measured by Falkenmark’s Water Stress Index. However, this measurement fails to rationalise the diverse physical, social, economic and political landscapes across Africa which have led to inaccessibility of clean water. Around 92% of North Africa have access to safe drinking water as compared to only 40% of the population in Sub Saharan Africa (UNDESA, 2014). It’s striking that places like Sub-Saharan Africa are still experiencing 'economic water scarcity' despite Africa "sitting on a sea of groundwater reserves". This scarcity is often a result of lack of effective institutions, sufficient capital and management of reliable extraction infrastructure (GW-Mate, 2011). In the context of gender, limited infrastructures such as reliable piped water systems in-situ means the responsibility of travelling extensive distances to source water falls on the most vulnerable populations; women and children. 
 
The substantial role of women in water collection was highlighted by a study concluding that adult females were the primary collectors of water in 24 Sub-Saharan African countries ranging from 46% in Liberia to 90% in Cote d’Ivoire. Generally, the journey of water collection involves females travelling in the early hours of the morning to unpiped water sources like wells and carrying back heavy pails loaded with water. Carrying these pails risk poor both physical and mental health issues for women such as bone damage, arthritis as well as maternal and infant psychosocial health (Graham et al, 2016; Collins et al, 2018). Moreover, women are more vulnerable to abuse when walking back at night from distant water sources. 

 
The task of water collection is not only physically intense but also time consuming especially with a lack of piped water resources nearby. For example, in rural Oromia in Ethiopia average collection times are around 2 hours a day (Figure 2). 

Figure 2: Women collecting water from a muddy well in Sululta town in Ethiopia

Source: The Guardian, 2017

From a human ecology lens, time spent collecting water can be extended depending on an area’s physical climate. In Oramia’s dry season, limited availability of functioning water sources nearby greatly extends collection times to 9 hours (Cook et al, 2012). Furthermore, in rural areas, younger girls have to travel even further before school begins rising one hour before their male family members to source water (Archer, 2005). Crucially, there is a presence of time poverty; the loss of time for other productive activities after taking into account the time spent working or in this case, collecting water (Blackden and Wodon, 2006). This time poverty compromises involvement in economic enterprise, agricultural production and active participation in family and cultural life (Tucker et al, 2014).
 
In particular, prevailing time poverty can hamper educational development for young girls. In South Africa, children spend an average of 19.5 hours a day contributing to domestic activities like water collection. As a result, children experience fatigue and difficulties concentrating in school. Just by increasing education participation, various indicators such as poverty, fertility rates, crime, political instability etc. can be reduced (Archer, 2005). For adult women, the exhaustive period in providing water for their family could be transferred into developing their technical skills which could accumulate higher and more sustainable forms of income. The reduction of time poverty can crucially expand socioeconomic development capabilities for females.
 
To conclude, I do believe it is of equal incentive for women as it is for men to source water for their family. But I am a feminist; I believe in equal rights for men and women. So, my concern lies in the fact that a lot of women lose out on developing their socioeconomic capabilities as a result of this time-poverty whereas many men continue to progress. One study in Ethiopia highlighted that women spend over 18 hours a day collecting water alongside other household activities as compared to men who work less than 12 hours a day (Eneyew and Mengistu, 2013). This is an unfair outcome, and it is here where the gender problem prevails. 
 
Consequently, for my next blog post, I want to draw attention to a case study of a management strategy aimed at relieving women of this time-poverty.